The rather crappy photos above are of Kumtor tractor trailer convoys in the Issyk-Kul region of Kyrgyzstan. The close-up shows one convoy parked outside of Barksayn (Барскаун, a.k.a., Barskoon, Barkaun, etc.), the second shows a full convoy that had been blocked on the road in Barskayn for mechanical reasons (an engine overheated in the lead truck), and the third shows a convoy with a police escort in one of the hamlets that rest along the Lake’s South Shore, which is less populated than the more touristy North Shore. I remember the cops being rather dramatic: sirens wailing, driving way up ahead of the trucks, frantically waving at pedestrians to get out of the way. I was surprised by the frequency with which the convoys came and went. Since I’m not at all an expert on resource issues, I’ve no idea what’s contained in these trucks (if anything; they could have been empty).

I took these photos back in April 2011 but misplaced them in the wilderness of my hard drive. However, today’s report from Bankwatch.org concerning the mining industry in Kyrgyzstan (http://bankwatch.org/sites/default/files/Kumtor-MoranReport-31Jan2012.pdf) has prompted me to dig them up (pun intended). The report explores a lot of the difficulties that exist trying to get a technical and ecological audit on the mine and other related mining ventures. I recommend reading it.

Background: The Kumtor Gold Mine, owned by the Canadian company Centerra Gold, is an open-pit gold mining site in the Issyk-Kul Province about 80 kilometers/50 miles south of the Lake, near the border with China, and something like 4,000 meters/14,000 feetabove sea level(making it the second-highest gold mining operation in the world after the Yanacocha gold mine in Peru). The mine started operation in the second quarter of 1997 and produced more than 5.8 million ounces (180,000 kg) of gold through the end of 2006.

The mine has been linked to a major environmental incident in 1998, when a truck carrying 1,762 kg of sodium cyanide (a chemical used to dissolve gold from granulated ore, the use of which is highly controversial) fell into the Barskayn River on the way to Kumtor. Here is the river, as well as the general Barksayn area:

I found it more than a little tragi-ironic that the entrance into Barskayn is marked by a dilapidated Soviet-era monument of a dump truck:

We’re now a month into 2012, so I thought might be a good time to review what was going on this time of year in 2011. And, uh, yeah, it wasn’t pretty. There were of course the consequences of the June 2010 events, which had “rolled over” into the new year un-investigated. However, the first and serious challenge was of a different breed — an alleged terrorist group eliminated near Bishkek on January 5, 201. An anti-terror operation resulted in the killing of the suspects and three special task force officers.

At first, the operation seemed like a success, and the public hotly debated the place of Islam in society. However, many questions later arose as to the identity of the alleged terrorists. Local human rights activists identified several people among those eliminated and captured as those who had distributed humanitarian assistance in southern Kyrgyzstan in the summer of 2010. Toktayim Umetaliyeva led the investigation, which was approved of the then-presidential administration chief. When asked why the government would declare humanitarian aid distributors “terrorists”, she indicated anti-terror funds promised by the United States.

Another event that stirred controversy was the interim government’s handling of so-called “Bakiyev-owned” companies. At the time, neweurasia commented on how government-owned companies, which had been “appropriated” by the Bakiyev clan, had attempted to conceal the profits they made. The parliament had to launch a special investigation into the fraud schemes. And, well, yes, the MPs would certainly be the ones to know of such schemes — since many of them had been part of it or engaged in similar practices themselves.

The year 2011 also experienced a convulsion of symbolizing, and I don’t just mean what happened in the center of Bishkek (here and here). Our new president, Almazbek Atambayev, firmly believes in the sanctity of relations with Russia. After swearing in as president this past December, he made sure to make a bow toward the Kremlin by announcing that he’d kick the American base out of the Manas Airport and not renew the contract. There was a lot of shock about this, especially in the Western press, but actually if you followed him as Prime Minister, you would not have been surprised: this was the guy, after all, who proposed naming an unnamed mountain peak after Russia’s PM Vladimir Putin. neweurasias Malika reviewed the controversy that ensured when MP Omurbek Tekebayev said peaks could be named only after deceased people, and then other MPs jumped in with their own ideas: naming a star after Manas, for instance. Meanwhile, our society was struggling with a harsh winter and devastated state budget, not to mention a miniature Great Depression at one of our most important markets, Dordoi. This and other instances in the legislative body indicate the immaturity of “parliamentarism” in Kyrgyzstan.

The International Crisis Group then issued a report, “Central Asia: Decay and Decline. A rather merciless title, and according to neweurasia‘s Murzaki, the section on Kyrgyzstan is perhaps the saddest part of the report. Can you guess what the title of the Kyrgyzstan section was? “The Great Leap Backward.”  Eighteen months of research showed that all spheres of life have decayed since the break up of the Soviet Union. The quality and quantity of doctors, as well as of teachers, are in decline, transport routes are deteriorating, the energy sector is plagued by corruption and poor management, and so on. Not that our great leaders seemed to notice.

Hmmmm so, what’s the lesson? Well, today we’ve passed through our first-ever peaceful transfer of power at the presidential level. Yes, it’s just the same old elite I suppose, but hey, at least this time there weren’t snipers on the roof. But besides that, I can still feel that slide into deeper crisis. I’m hoping we can crawl out of it, and that by this time next year, I can look back and think, “That was the beginning, when things began to turn around.”

On Monday, 19 December 2011, then candidate Prime Minister Omurbek Babanov initiated decreasing the number of ministries. He argued doing so would save some 1bn soms (about 22m USD), and decrease the salary burden on budget by firing over 3,000 state employees. A wise move indeed; however, there is room for further “shrinking”. For instance, the ministry of education and sciences can assume the “youth” component of the ministry for youth, labor and employment. Whereas the ministry for social security could intake the “labor and employment.” Further, the ministry of economy and antimonopoly policies can safely deal with “finances” of the ministry for finances. After all, they are of the same “nature.”The echo of the June 2010 events is still heard in Kyrgyzstan. On Tuesday, 20 December 2011, the Supreme Court ruled the verdict on Azimjan Askarov remain in force. Askarov and a number of defendants were accused of instigating interethnic animosity and killing a police officer, and convicted for life-long imprisonment. Despite national and international human rights organizations’ concerns and the defendants’ statements on unfair trial and torture they were subjected to, the Supreme Court supported lower level courts verdicts. I don’t know whether the lawyers and defendants expected it, the ruling was obvious. Because a different ruling would certainly put the judges in the “non-patriot” position, should they have somehow alleviated the “separatists’” fate. The US embassy and OSCE in Bishkek expressed concern on the verdict.

Despite the fact Kyrgyzstan has vast resources and infrastructure for electricity production, planned and unplanned blackouts are frequent. One of such hit northern Kyrgyzstan on Wednesday, 21 December 2011, when Central Asia’s Unified Energy System (UES) was partially shut down by Kazakhstan. Astana claims Uzbekistan is yielding non-contract electricity from the UES, which resulted in an overload of the system, hence the shutdown. The Kazakh government-owned energy company has been speculating on leaving the UES for some time now. Doing so would spell disaster for Northern Kyrgyzstan, which receives electricity generated in its southern regions via the UES grid crossing through territories of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Obviously, Bishkek needs a power line within Kyrgyzstan that would deliver electricity to the North. But a very tiny problem – corruption coupled with incompetence – is preventing that from happening.

While Northern Kyrgyzstan is facing a shortage of electricity, Southern Kyrgyzstan has to cope with winter weather with limited gas. On Thursday, 22 December 2011, gas supply was reduced by over 50% in the city of Osh. The reason, according to officials, is the lowering temperature in Uzbekistan, the sole supplier of gas to Southern Kyrgyzstan. In an ideal situation, Kyrgyz officials are ought to be able to come to firm agreement with Uzbekistan as far as gas supply is concerned, using the “fluid leverage,” i.e. water. Uzbekistan consumes immense amounts of water to irrigate its borderless crop fields in spring and summer, and uses the water coming down the Kyrgyz mountaintops. Bishkek could ideally use this leverage to prevent Uzbekistan from fluctuating prices for gas or using it to press Bishkek to make concessions in certain matters.

The week ended with the approval of the nominated candidates for government. On Friday, 23 December 2011, the Kyrgyz parliament voted almost unanimously to appoint the nominees. Omurbek Babanov has been confirmed as the prime minister. According to Article 84 of the Kyrgyz constitution, a parliamentary majority nominates a candidate for prime minister, but the article does not stipulate or require that the nominee be “from among current MPs.” Oh, well, “Orient is a delicate matter.” The incumbent president was an MP before he rose to PM’s position which was before he became president.

Marat Sartpaev

As a politician whose popularity rests on people’s emotions and not on sound judgment of his achievements, Keldibekov is desperately continuing to muster support among his supporters. For some reason, he has suddenly remembered the Osh events: “not all culprits have been punished.” Have all culprits of the two revolutions been punished? Have all looters been punished? Have the two previous presidents been punished? Who HAS BEEN punished except those who couldn’t bribe their way to freedom?!. But, of course, this was a move Keldibekov was vainly hoping to garner support with. Because while it is an important issue to talk about, lack of electricity, coal and snow on roads is more important for voters today.

By desperately trying to stay afloat, Keldibekov is actually making his further life in political life worse. Because one of the three whales the previous coalition rested upon, Atambayev’s SDPK, announced it was leaving the coalition, a move that collapsed the coalition. Today, the president-elect tasked the party to form a new coalition, which will apparently not include Ata-Jurt. Not only because the party was suffering split ever since its ascendance to power last year, but also because of Keldibekov’s actions now. If Ata-Jurt is not in the coalition, even talking about Keldibekov is a vain sport.

Despite being an official close to ousted Kurmanbek Bakiyev, Keldibekov ascended on the political Olympus following the last year’s parliamentary elections as part of the Ata-Jurt party. The party is very pro-nationalistic, which it believes equals to patriotism. And such a party’s victory was quite predictable almost immediately after the bloody events in Osh, where ethnic Uzbeks were accused of separatism and killing of Kyrgyz citizens. But times have changed and the topic is no longer on the top of agenda.

So Keldibekov’s actions are confusing, to say the least. Because he must realize Atambayev is not going to let him stay in the parliament speaker position. The former needs someone he can rely upon. Therefore, Keldibekov’s “voluntary” stepping down would be a wiser step for him very self. Because one way or another, he will be removed. If all those attempts prove inefficient, there always is option of the vote of no confidence in the Speaker, which three of the five factions are ready to proceed with.

Corruption in Post-Soviet Central Asia is something very familiar to people living in the region. Without bribing, one is destined to see their case be delayed for a long time, very often beyond time limits defined by laws.

Be it application for a new passport, or registration at a new place of living, or even finding a day care for your kid — bribing is the easiest way to get it all done faster and without a hassle.

Transparency International (TI) has released its annual Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 (CPI) that ranks countries/territories based on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be. According to TI, it is a composite index, a combination of polls, drawing on corruption-related data collected by a variety of reputable institutions. The CPI reflects the views of observers from around the world, including experts living and working in the countries/territories evaluated.

This year Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have proved that they can also have stablility in something — if not positive and progressive, then at least something not really desirable by leaders of developed countries. That something is the abuse of public power.

These two countries are the ousiders of the index, sharing almost the same position with Iraq, Sudan, Afghanistan, Myanmar, North Korea and Somalia. Basically, President Karimov and President Bardimuhammedov totally failed to show progress in their declarative measures to fight corruption in their countries. Being in the same group of countries, or even worse than some of them, is the best indicator of how promises of a happy life and sustainable development by those two dictators are nothing more than just a lie.

It should be mentioned that both Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are getting worse year after year:

The best position out of all five Central Asian republics belongs to Kazakhstan, which is closer to the highest point (on a scale of 0-10), and somewhere inbetween of Iran and Mongolia. Tajikistan is ranked the 152th; Kyrgyzstan is between Guinea and Yemen (164th).

Leaders of the index are New Zealand, Denmark, Finland, Sweden and
Singapore with 9.5, 9.4, 9.4, 9.3 and 9.2 respectively.

By the way, CPI is also used by travellers to help them make a right choice. Thus, republics’ efforts to increase the number of tourists are in serious jeopardy.

Read impressions of travellers by TravelPod:

For crowdywendy‘s trip to Uzbekistan follow here.

For ricka‘s story on her voyage from Turkmenbashi, Turkmenistan to Baku, Azerbaijan’s capital.

For markwilliams84‘s corruption story on Kazakhstan follow here.

For crowdywendy‘s corruption story on Kyrgyzstan follow here.

For jtroussier‘s corruption story on Tajikistan follow here.

ABOUT CPI:

A country/territory’s score indicates the perceived level of public sector corruption there on a scale of 0 – 10, where 0 means that a country is perceived as highly corrupt and 10 means that a country is perceived as very clean.

The data sources used to compile the index include questions relating to the abuse of public power and focus on: bribery of public officials, kickbacks in public procurement, embezzlement of public funds, and on questions that probe the strength and effectiveness of anti-corruption efforts in the public sector. As such, it covers both the administrative and political aspects of corruption. In producing the index, the scores of countries/territories for the specific corruption-related questions in the data sources are combined to calculate a single score for each country.

According to the map, countries which has less than millennium to exist are marked in brown. “Light browned” nations will live in the 3000-3299 years period. “Milky” identifies those who live from 3300 to 3999 years more. “Orange” countries will exist from 4000 to 9999, and those countries colored in “gray” will live for 10,000 or more.

All green countries on the map are the luckiest — they will never disappear, the “immortals.”

Top 10 countries doomed to the earliest extinction:

Macau
Hong Kong
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Russia
Malta
Slovakia
Singapore
Romania
Hungary
Macedonia

Top 10 countries that will exist the longest (except for the “immortals”):

USA
Virgin Islands
Saint-Lucia
Tunisia
France
South Korea
Azerbaijan
Australia
Netherlands Antilles
Norway

GOOD NEWS FOR CENTRAL ASIANS: All five nations of the region will exist forever! Ya-ba-da-ba-doooo!

On this note, I wonder how satisfied the leaders of this countries are imagining their grand-grand-grand[x1 bazillion] kids remembering the very first years of independence of their countries. An admiring those who are an object of fun for their now-surreal “…stan’s independence will last forever!” :)

Check out the map to find out if your migration-choice country is right for the next generations of your family!

This is an everyday tagline journalists write about when covering common-day societal happenings – and sometimes it’s a tagline that describes the injustice that swarms their own profession – particularly in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, today.

Killing a journalist is killing a civil servant. Killing a journalist not only kills the voice of a community, but also kills the news, the ambitious and trusted medium through which we learn about the news and the vehicle through which we learn about what goes on in society.

On October 11th, 3 men were sentenced for the murder of independent Kyrgyz opposition journalist Gennady Pavlyuk, in Kazakhstan. Pavlyuk, 51, died on December 22nd 2009 after being thrown – hands and feet bound – from the 6th floor of a building in the “Apple” city of Almaty. And 2 years later, an answer to the puzzle has finally been instituted.

The reason Pavlyuk went to Kazakhstan was to meet with representatives regarding a fund that was going to give him a mass media grant worth 80,000 Euros. And before arriving in Almaty, Pavlyuk met with former Kyergyz opposition figure Omurbek Tekebaev, wherein they discussed potential cooperation with Tekebaev’s “Ata-Meken” (“Fatherland”) party.

Journalist Pavlyuk was ethnic Russian and known by Kyrgyzstanis via his pseudonym, “Rustam Ibragimbek”. He founded the “White Steamer” newspaper and website and wrote for “Vecherny Bishkek” newspaper and Russian weekly “Argumenty i Fakty“.

For neweurasia’s background look into the murder case of this missed and memorable media man, check out: “Revisiting the 2009 death of a Kyrgyz journalist.”

On June 6th, an ex-Kyrgyz national security service agent and 2 Kazakh students were brought to court and on October 11th, a specialized inter-district criminal court in Almaty found the 3 men guilty. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) says the 3-some have been jailed for up to 17 years for the murder they committed, which is seen in the eyes of Kyrgyz authorities as an “ordinary crime”.

About the October 11th court haring, Central Asia Online said:

“Ex-security service officer Aldayar Ismankulov, a Kyrgyz citizen, received 17 years in jail, while Kazakh citizens Almas Igilikov and Shalqar Orazalin were sentenced to 10 and 11 years, respectively. The court verdict described the murder as an ordinary crime, although many suspect Pavlyuk was killed for his journalistic activities.”

24 News Agency informs about the charges:

“A former employee of Kyrgyzstan’s State National Security Committee Aldayar Ismankulov was found guilty of organizing premeditated murder, kidnapping of the journalist in a preliminary conspiracy and document forgery. The court sentenced him to 17 years in the colony of high security and ordered to pay a fine of 756 thousand tenges (over $ 5.100 thousand).”

“Two citizens of Kazakhstan Shalkar Orazalin and Almaz Igilikov were found guilty of kidnapping in a preliminary conspiracy and sentenced to 11 and 10 years in a colony of general regime respectively. In addition, Orazalin must pay a fine of 382 thousand tenge (about $ 2. 600 thousand), Igilikov – amounting to 312 thousand tenges (over $ 2.100 thousand). The court took into account at the sentencing that Orazalin has a mitigating circumstance – tuberculosis.”

And that’s that for the fate of the victimizers.

About the death of Pavlyuk, in mid-June 2011, neweurasia said:

“Let’s hope that 2011 will shine a new light on press freedom in Kyrgyzstan, and thus as Pavlyuk’s murder trial proceeds, may nothing short of ultimate justice prevail for this honorable journalist and his family.”

neweurasia is relieved that the Kyrgyz justice system has caught and officially sentenced Pavlyuk’s murderers and that justice has been brought to the journalist’s grieving family.

Back in August neweurasia noted that in the following the country’s October 2011 elections, 11 online medias were denied accreditation during the campaigning, while traditional medias were indeed approved. The reason: according to Kyrgyz Law, web-based new agencies are not recognized as legitimate media outlets. To read more into the story, check out: “Internet barred from covering Kyrgyzstan’s electoral campaigns”.

Online media aside – officials have been attacking traditional media, too. Radio shows have been interrupted, TV programs jammed – and so on. From BBC and CNN to Euronews, K+, Russia’s RBK, Rossiya-24, Russia’s Channel One and beyond – international media has fallen victim to a Kyrgyz national media-misdemeanor.

Just as the ban was being instituted last month, regarding the various blocked medias, Tengeri News said:

“The ban affects all foreign news broadcasters — including the best-known Western names — but seems aimed mainly as pro-Kremlin Russian channels that have troubled the authorities in the past.”

From winning the hearts and minds through a few simple but powerful words to humiliating spoof ads that have the power to ruin a trusted image in 30 seconds or less – media can make or break an election campaign – and the Kyrgyz politicians and parliamentarians are doing everything in their broadcasting power to make sure the latter won’t stand a chance.

On September 27th, Omurbek Tekebayev – “Ata Meken” party leader – said:

“Censorship in Kyrgyzstan should be and censor, on behalf of the state should act as editor in chief of Media“.

“…if there is no local media specialist, who will monitor the content and sift information, such media should not even exist. As a specialist, this is called the editor”.

Tekebayev’s words perfectly introduce the notion that there has been a law put in place that bars the direct transmission of all foreign TV stations, during this pre-election time. The implementation of the law, which happened at the end of September 2011, has been causing chaos.

About the law, “On the election of the president and members of parliament of the Kyrgyz Republic”, Reporters Without Borders (RWB) said:

“Article 22 § 16 of the law stipulates that retransmission of foreign broadcasts must be delayed in order to ensure compliance with another provision in the same paragraph banning retransmission of any electoral propaganda and any content in the foreign broadcast media “attacking the honour, dignity and reputation of candidates.” Local broadcasters and cable TV companies are held responsible for any violations.”

Earlier this month, Central Asia Online informed:

“Kyrgyzstan has a law that requires foreign news and information programming to be taped during election campaigns, and any derisive information about political candidates to be deleted before broadcast.”

“A number of Russian and Kazakh TV and radio channels, have already been blocked, with either taped news programming broadcast with some delay, or music and films replacing news programming, Fergana reported.”

On September 22nd, just 3 days before the law was instated – marking the beginning day of campaigning, Septebmer 25th – EurasiaNet.org quoted Vasily Goncharov, of Bishkek’s Ala-TV cable company, saying:

“Under the new law “we must record all programs of foreign TV channels, filter them for campaigning for any of the candidates … and then release the recorded programs, but we just do not have such equipment.”

“Above all, under contract with foreign channels, we have no right to make changes to their programs.”

RT News explains the playing-ground:

“Prior to deciding whether the video is suitable for being aired or not, Kyrgyz broadcasters will have to watch and record international TV channels’ programs. Then, if no untoward messages are detected, they will be shown to the republic’s viewers. Programs and reports that discredit presidential candidates will be cut out.”

Foreign Police Blogs said:

“Essentially, the legislation called for filtering of the news broadcasts containing pro or con campaigning messages coming from outside sources.”

“Although the Kyrgyz government has strongly denied any claims that it’s instituting censorship citing the length of the ban for only the duration of the election campaign, accusations have been flying and complaints have been filed. It claims that foreign news reports are still available via internet and satellite channels.”

Mentioning two points that avert the international media ban, Turkish Weekly said:

“According to the Headquarters of Public Control member, Tatu Mambetaliyeva, the airing of the channels has been stopped because the relevant companies do not know what kind of information to block.”

“According to the Russian agency Interfax, in reference to OSCE report, the Venice Commission and OSCE members consider these limitations to be illegitimate.”

In addition to being illegitimate, the media scuffle has indeed been an expensive act of media censorship. In late September, the Associated Press informed:

“The country’s two cable television comapnies said the suspension in the rebroadcasting of international stations by Kyrgyz television companies could cost them $100,000 ((EURO)73,335.29).”

In addition to dollars and Euros – also back in September – RT News highlighted some major problems this anti-media move has caused:

“Now the vexed problem that chiefs of Kyrgyz channels are facing is how exactly the new rules can be followed. First of all, there are no clear criteria for what is suitable or not for being shown on TV. Secondly, there are no professionals who would be able to deal with the task. And, finally, the majority of Russian TV channels are being broadcast through cable networks.”

On October 13th, RWB stated:

““Under the pretext of combating foreign interference, parliament is restricting the right of Kyrgyz citizens to diverse news and information, and is creating unprecedented chaos on the airwaves and TV screens. With two and a half weeks to go to the elections, the authorities must scrap this unworkable, unfair and dangerous law.””

Well, the anti-fireign-media-folk in Kyrgyzstan still have a week and a half to free themselves and the media – or has the damage already done by the Kyrgyz officials been too profound to look back now?

It’s clear who the real propagandists are here in this election, and it goes without saying, they are certainly not the media, as the Kyrgyz officials would like to have the public believe.

Election day is on October 30th and international stations are set to resume business directly after voting day, which coincidentally falls of the scary and vulnerable day of Halloween. But one wonders if the stations will really be allowed to air right away. Maybe the international criticisms that may very well surface in response to this tale of first-hand electoral media censorship will have the Kyrgyz officials simply too-spooked. Regardless of when the stations re-air in Kyrgyzstan, this story will resonate as a media-nightmare that won’t be forgotten with sweet Halloween candy.

The seat is supposed to go to either the Islamic Republic of Pakistan or Kyrgyzstan.

The statement goes:

“In the view of the fact that a membership in this authoritative body of the United Nations means acknowledgement of the contribution of the candidate country to the international peace and stability under the international law, we, representatives of the civil society from Alisher Navoi Institute express our firm discontent with a possible election of Kyrgyzstan to this respective body of this universal organization.

According to independent observers the internal political situation in Kyrgyzstan is far from stability while the central government in Bishkek attempts to convince its own citizens and the world community
in its ability to fully control the situation in the country. But de-facto the Kyrgyz authorities power is restricted just to the northern areas of the country.

An illustrative example, in the middle of August 2010 the mayor of the southern city of Osh, Melis Myrzakmatov ignored the decision of the President Otunbaeva that he should resign. Frankly speaking the internal political situation in this poorest Central Asian nation is on the edges of the anarchy. Different types of public disorders with and without any reason don’t stop in this country. The aggressive form of nationalism against ethnic minorities, especially the Uzbek minorities is fiercely being introduced on the eve of the upcoming presidential elections.”

Institut d’Alisher Navoi activists expressed their strong belief that principles of justice, equality, respect to and implementation of fundamental human rights make up the cornerstone of the United Nations. We also believe that those principles would be further respected by all Member-States of the organization. At the same time we have to admit that unfortunately after the tragic Osh events in Kyrgyzstan in 2010 those principles are grossly violated. The ethnic minorities, in particular the Uzbek minorities of the country have become targeted by the Kyrgyz law enforcement agencies and organized crime for racketeering, money
extortion and total persecution. The Kyrgyzstani state authorities are not in the position to oppose these forms of the ongoing aggressive nationalism. Moreover, by going low profile the Kyrgyzstani government
sends a message that illegal activities against the ethnic minorities of the country could be continued with impunity, the statement states.

Drawing member-states’ attention to the fact that justice for the victims of June 2010 events in southern Kyrgyzstan is still lacking, and the results of the investigation by the international Kyrgyzstani Inquiry Commission are fully ignored while the report of this Commission has concluded that the Uzbek population of southern Kyrgyzstan were not to blame for the violence, on the contrary, the crimes committed against them, such as burning alive , violence against women and children, were characterized by the commission as
crimes against humanity.

“It follows from the investigation materials that 470 people were killed in clashes, 74% of the dead were Uzbeks, 25% -Kirghiz, and 1% – other nationalities. 67% died as a result of gunshot wounds (80% of Uzbeks and Kyrgyz 19%). During the arsons 2843 houses were damaged, of which 2677 were completely destroyed. The bulk of the damage accounts for Uzbek neighborhoods. The international Commission unveiled numerous cases of crimes against humanity, assigning the principal responsibility to the Provisional Government of Kyrgyzstan.“

According to Institut d’Alisher Navoi, the Kyrgyz government including the President R. Otunbaeva, except for recognition of separate parts, expressed regarding the report of the International Commission her outrage recognition being unilateral and biased. But the most furious reaction has come from the Kyrgyz
Parliament, whose deputies publicly accused members of the International Commission of “conspiring with the Uzbek separatists.”

Moreover, Kyrgyz MPs accused the head of the International Commission Dr. Kimmo Kiljunen, of instigating the ethnic conflicts and declared him “persona non grata” (PNG) by prohibiting entering the country.

“Very recently, in September of this year Pan Ki Moon, the UN Secretary General called on the Kyrgyz leader to implement the recommendations in the report of the international Kyrgyzstan Inquiry Commission, which mainly advise on granting equal rights to the ethnic minorities as enjoyed by so called title nation. However, unfortunately, we don’t see any meaningful change of the situation of ethnic minorities in this country. Moreover, the Kyrgyzstani human rights activists and international observers note that the detentions and arrests which have already taken place, pre-trial investigation and court proceedings on criminal cases opened after June 2010 events have been conducted with serious violations of human rights, from a nationalist standpoint and trumped up guilty sentences for the representatives of the Uzbek population.”

Considering the above mentioned points, when the recommendations of the international Commission are ignored, when justice for the victims of June 2010 events is lacking, and when the Kyrgyzstani authorities are not in the position to protect its own citizens, Institut d’Alisher Navoi think there is no place for Kyrgyzstan in the UN Security Council.

“In case Kyrgyzstan is elected to the non-permanent membership of the UN Security Council it would mean for a million of Uzbeks from Kyrgyzstan and for not only them as ignorance of their efforts to seek justice and discredit the founding principles of the international community in their eyes.”