Kyrgyzstan
The new statue of Chingiz Aitmatov is up in Bishkek’s center. I must say, he’s rather dapper in bronze, although with all due respect to Mr. Aitmatov, he appears unrealistically flat-tummied and muscular. No surprise, I suppose, as Soviet aesthetic principles remain very much in place in Kyrgyzstan…
Of all neweurasia’s highlighted Central Asian countries, Kyrgyzstan is often known as one of the freest in terms of media and freedom of expression, speech and press. On the Reporters Without Borders 2010 Press Freedom Index, Kyrgyzstan ranks 159/178 – behind Tajikistan (115/178) and just ahead of Kazakhstan (162/178), Uzbekistan (163/178) and Turkmenistan (176/178). Proving its status, Kyrgyzstan is the first country in former Soviet Central Asia to decriminalize libel – a decision hailed by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
But, it seems the “unconquerable” or “undefeatable” Kyrgyzstan may have blundered its nice media reputation – in curtail electoral time.
Kyrgyzstan will host national elections on October 30th, 2011 and the Central Elections Committee (CEC) very daringly decided to bar web-based media from joining in on the event. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), while the CEC accredited 40 television and radio broadcasting companies and 103 print publications, 11 online news agencies were denied accreditation.
Humanitarian News quotes CEC spokeswoman Tolgonai Samatalieva saying:
“The Kyrgyz Law on mass media does not regard web-based news agencies as media outlets; that is why they cannot generate revenue from promotion of the candidates.”
Manas has finally mounted his horse today, and Aitmatov, in golden splendor, has likewise assumed a rather swank position atop a dais.
Translator’s Note: The following piece has been translated from Solomon Tihonov’s post. If you have comments/questions directly to the author, please refer to the original (RUS).
It has now been more than year since the tragic events in the south of Kyrgyzstan that have shocked not only Central Asia and the former Soviet Union, but also the whole world. That was at least the case with the global media that have propagated all over the continents about ‘the inhumane atrocities of one ethnic group against another’.
Tashkent’s “grip”
Politically strong Uzbeks right by the side could have caused negative effect on the situation in the conflict-prone Fergana valley. The new revolution, which literally saw “a revival” of Kyrgyzstani Uzbeks and their financial strength, could have possibly irritated Tashkent. Unlike official media, which have always been thrifty in disseminating such information, rumors are always there to work. The Chinese cheap goods flea market on the Kyrgyz bank of Shahimardan river has always been one of the main sources for unofficial information to the Uzbek part of the Fergana valley.
Editor’s Note: With elections coming up and a dangerous strain of nationalism increasing in Kyrgyzstan, neweurasia’s Schwartz is getting some ugly Weimar vibes in Bishkek. “Just think a little bit about the meaning in the change of symbolism [in the city's square]: from Freedom to Warrior,” he writes.
Yesterday in the taxi ride to Bishkek’s center, the driver, upon learning that I’m American, asked me in point blank fashion: “When is America going to bomb Kyrgyzstan?” My shock was more than evident, and I tried to explain that, to the best of my knowledge, the United States actually considers Kyrgyzstan a “very good friend” in the region. The driver was unresponsive — that is, until I got out of the car and said, “Рахмат!” His eyes practically bulged, I imagine because he didn’t expect an “imperialist” to be even this little bit culturally attentive.
It was a surreal experience, but a good reminder of what’s been psychologically happening to a lot of the Kyrgyz since 2010. At the risk of sounding overly dramatic, is it just me, or is Kyrgyzstan right now feeling unsettingly similar to the Weimar Republic during the dark days of the Great Depression?
Like many Westerners, Kyrgyz and minorities living in Kyrgyzstan, I’m concerned, even distressed, by the increasingly vitriolic — and, as the encounter with the taxi driver evidences, paranoid — variant of Kyrgyz nationalism that seems to be taking over media, political and civic discourse in this society. The decision to dismantle lovely old Ala-Too and replace her with Manas, and even the discussion to rename Bishkek itself “Manas”, is to me symbolic of the radical nationalist virus that’s spreading through the country.
The Economist : “Mr Bendukidze made his name and fortune as an industrialist in neighboring Russia, putting together the country’s biggest heavy-engineering group, OMZ, before returning to his native Georgia in June of this year with a mandate to reverse more than a decade of post-Soviet decay. He insists that he was taken by surprise when Georgia’s president, Mikhail Saakashvili, and prime minister, Zurab Zhvania, nobbled him for a chat in the course of a private visit he made to Tbilisi in May, and then offered him a ministerial job the same evening. But having said yes, he is cracking ahead, doing everything that businessmen must dream of making governments do. He says that Georgia should be ready to sell ‘everything that can be sold, except its conscience, and that is just the start.’”
Kaha Bendukidze, prominent businessman and one of the major architects of Georgian reforms, was invited by Atambaev, Kyrgyz Prime Minister. After Rose Revolution in Georgia Kaha Bendukidze returned from Russia and was appointed as the State Minister on reforms coordination responsible for liberalization of the economy. Thanks to economic reforms Georgia’s various indexes measuring business environment skyrocketed in several years.
Georgia is often portrayed by civil society as ideal example of successful reformation. Georgian police reforms are widely discussed in Ministry of internal Affairs of Kyrgyzstan. Georgian economic achievements are cited by many Kyrgyz economists. Georgian reform in public administration is legend among population. Read the full story »
United Kingdom-based think tank, Maplecroft, issued the Terrorism Risk Index compiled by respected analysts.
According to the authors of the research, it has rated the new nation of South Sudan in the top five countries most at risk from terrorist attacks after Somalia, Pakistan, Iraq and Afghanistan.
The latest Terrorism Risk Index (TRI), released by risk analysis and mapping firm Maplecroft, rates 20 countries and territories as ‘extreme risk,’ with Somalia (1), Pakistan (2), Iraq (3), Afghanistan (4) once again topping the ranking. The ‘extreme risk’ category also includes: South Sudan (5), Yemen (6), Palestinian Occupied Territories (7), DR Congo (8) Central African Republic (9), Colombia (10), Algeria (11), Thailand (12), Philippines (13), Russia (14), Sudan (15), Iran (16), Burundi (17), India (18), Nigeria (19) and Israel (20).
While Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are ranked “low risk”, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan were judged to be at “medium risk” of an attack (see the map).
To remind, earlier this year Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan were included onto DHS’s list of “specially designated countries (SDCs) that have shown a tendency to promote, produce, or protect terrorist organizations or their members”. Read the full story »
Sacred mountain offers reminders of more peaceful times as well as 2010 bloodshed.
It is a hot summer day in July in the city of Osh, a regional centre in the Fergana valley in southern Kyrgyzstan.
I’ve just got off the bus and I am walking towards the slopes of the city’s landmark, Sulaiman Mountain. It is known as Suleyman-Too in Kyrgyz and Sulaymon-Togh in Uzbek.
Named after the Muslim prophet Sulaiman – the biblical King Solomon – it is the site of a shrine that is believed to mark his grave and is still a place of pilgrimage. Legend has it that that Sulaiman drove a plough in front of his advancing army, and when the team of oxen arrived at the mountain, he said, “Khosh!” (That’s enough), giving Osh its name.
The four rocky ridges rise up suddenly in the centre of Osh, dominating the city and providing a fine view for visiting locals and tourists alike.
“Alhamdulillah! Thanks be to Allah and to our ancestors that we can be here,” my parents used to say when they took us for a walk on the mountain.
The path around the hillside makes an interesting walk. Along the way, you can see pilgrims praying at Sulaiman’s shrine – a small cave – asking for relief from illness and other help.
There is a fine description of the mountain in the memoirs of Babur, the Central Asian prince who went on to found the Mogul Empire in India. Before he set off on his conquests, the young Babur built a summer house on the top of the mountain, where he liked to spend his time.
Suleyman’s mountain is the only UNESCO World Heritage Site in Kyrgyzstan.
On the southern slope, remains of a late Bronze-age settlement have been discovered, enabling archeologists to establish that Osh is 3,000 years old.
Given its history, it is not surprising that the mountain is a magnet for visitors. I went up a narrow path and reached the main walkway leading to one of the summits, my ultimate destination.
I did meet some people doing a tour on my way up, but it was clear that visitor numbers had dwindled compared to the crowds that used to come here before last year’s tragic events.
Several days of fighting in June 2010 involving ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in and around Osh and Jalalabad left over 400 people dead and many more injured. Massive damage was done to homes and businesses as the mobs went on an arson and looting spree.
I caught myself thinking that maybe one day, things will return to normal. Sulaiman Mountain is not just the main historic attraction hereabouts, it is also the place around which the lives of local people revolve. Young couples come for a romantic stroll, families bring their children, and elderly people say a prayer.
When I was little, my family lived close by the mountain, in one of the districts that was to be badly damaged in last year’s ethnic violence. In those happy days of childhood, my friends and I used to come here and race each other to the top.
Following the conflict, many of those friends headed off to Russia or other countries in search of jobs and better lives. They saw no future for themselves here.
It makes me feel sad to think that they’ve gone. So instead of dwelling on that, I try to recall the wonderful times when all of us – from different ethnic backgrounds – use to play together. There was one thing that bound us together – we were all as naive and sincere as children can be.
It is getting hot – nearly 38 degrees Celsius – and the rocks seem to be giving off warmth. I am approaching the summit, but each step I take requires more effort than before.
Finally, I am there. I am at the top, looking down at the city sprawling out around me. In some places, traces of destruction from the violence are still visible – half-ruined houses; empty gaps where the rubble has been cleared away, heaps of rubbish, and piles of building material.
I look around me and see a few dozen people – Kyrgyz, Uzbeks and Russians, plus some foreign tourists immediately recognisable by their large backpacks. All of them just stand there, sweating and tired from the long walk up and enjoying the beautiful view of Osh, their reward for making it this far on a mercilessly hot day.
And there it is before us, the ancient city in whose history the glory of past days is intertwined with a modern tragedy.
I feel a strange sensation, a mix of joy, sadness, loss and pride all at the same time.
Since ancient times, Sulaiman Mountain has been at a crossroads on the ancient trading routes known as the Silk Road. It was a place where people from different parts of the world met to exchange not only fine goods, but also ideas and cultures.
That is why the mountain has become a symbol of universal human values, of the ability to overcome differences and communicate with and understand others.
I very much hope that this spirit will be revived and that our future can become, if anything, better than our past.
Isomidin Ahmedjanov is an IWPR-trained journalist from Osh who reported on the 2010 violence and on the post-conflict rebuilding process.
This post was originally published at IWPR under Postcard section.
Kyrgyzstan is still shaken with the fever of nationalism. As reported on Monday, 18 July 2011, an incident of fist-fighting occurred between representatives of the two major ethnic groups in Southern Kyrgyzstan’s Aravan town. Reportedly, two taxi drivers couldn’t decide who was supposed to let the other pass and resorted to the a-la macho style of settling disputes. Official reports refute any ethnicity-based motives; the ethnic Kyrgyz taxicab driver’s relatives/friends/supporters gathered in front of a local administration demanding to find and punish the Uzbek cab driver, whose relatives did not stage any rallies. Several local residents also say there is a reason the conflict occurred (read – provoked) near the town market, which was closed on that very day – there is a man interested in shutting the market down and moving it to the land he owns. If the claim holds water, one can safely conclude the man in question was “inspired” by the relocation of the Osh market in a very similar manner earlier this year. Read the full story »
Translator’s Note: The following piece has been originally written by Solomon Tihonov. If you have comments/questions directly to the author, please refer to the original (RUS).
It has now been more than year since the tragic events in the south of Kyrgyzstan that have shocked not only Central Asia and the former Soviet Union, but also the whole world. That was at least the case with the global media that have propagated all over the continents about ‘the inhumane atrocities of one ethnic group against another’.
Without going too deep into the details (as much has been already said), let us yet again mention the fact that national commissions of all possible levels have generally been blaming ‘separatist Uzbeks’, ‘Tajik mercenary combatants’ and, naturally, the supporters of the ex-President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who ‘had attempted to take a revenge for the April Revolution and bring Bakiyev back to power’. The most common were the blames against the ‘separatists’, who wanted the autonomy, but for some reason, restless Kyrgyz young men took revenge against civilians for someone else’s desire to split the native land. Not a single blame was based on the evidence, while no one has obviously guessed to check with the V.I. Dal’s dictionary for the definition of the ‘autonomy’, which is defined as ‘the right to maintain state power or rule independently according to the constitution of any part of the state’.
Yet, can one reconcile Dal and the Ala-Too?
Read the full story »



















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