Editor’s note: Uzbekistan’s President Islam Karimov is meeting with European Union officials today in Brussels on a visit that human rights and civil society activists are describing as a secretive affair. 197 organizations and individuals from around the world have signed a letter of protest to the EU, and neweurasia’s Mirsulzhan has a message for Brussels: “Europe, this is the monstrous individual whom you’ve welcomed into Brussels today. In the name of justice, the world beseeches you to confront him!”

The letter and signatories are included at the bottom of this post. Also, make sure to check out this post urging the EU to help a jailed Uzbek journalist, as well as neweurasia’s coverage of the controversial decision to lift the Andijan sanctions.

Today, Uzbekistan’s President, Islam Karimov, will visit Brussels, where he plans to meet with the leadership of the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as well as with King of Belgium, Albert II. And yet human rights activists and friends of civl society in Uzbekistan learned about this visit not from the EU or Belgium, but via private channels. This speaks to not only the secrecy that surronds Uzbekistan’s dictatorship, but also the embarassment of Europe, a free society interacting with one of the world’s harshest regimes.

Then, only a few days ago, the website of the President of the European Commission, José Manuel Barroso, posted the announcement, “Meeting with the President of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov, with a link to official Uzbek governmental biography of Karimov that includes the unapologetically propagandistic statement, “For his outstanding contribution to education in Uzbekistan, creation of a state based on democratic laws, guarantee of civil peace and national accord, and for courage, [Islam] Karimov was awarded the title Hero of Uzbekistan and the awards Mustakillik [Independence] and Amir Temur.” After we made this embarrassing link public, the Public Affairs Unit of the European Commission deleted it from the Commissioner’s web site.

Amidst all this, several disturbing consequences of European actions, real and potential, stand out: first, the EU’s relations with the Karimov regime violate its own principles of openness; second, Karimov’s secret visit risks setting a precedent for other dictators who wish to have less-than-candid relations with the EU; and finally, that Karimov’s meetings with EU ministers are unlikely to be substantively confrontational about his regime’s human rights and press track record.

Most of all, the meeting smacks of ethical inconsistency on the part of the EU. Consider:

(1) In May 2005, government troops opened fire on protesters in Andijan, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of civilians, including women, children and elderly. Resolution № 60/174, “The Situation of Human Rights in Uzbekistan,” adopted by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly on December 16, 2005, detailed indiscriminate and disproportionate use of force. Initially, the EU was equally critical, going so far as impose sanctions against Uzbekistan. Since 2008, however, the sanctions fell away. By 2009 they were officially abolished, under the pretext that sanctions were counter-productive. Yet, the very same resolution that abolished sanctions against Uzbekistan simultaneously imposed similar sanctions against Burma! The EU’s logic is selective at best, hypocritical at worst.

(2) As is by-now well-known, Uzbekistan’s cotton sector still widely uses forced child labor. Protecting children from this gross servitude has proven dangerous for both parents and human rights defenders alike. Dozens of companies throughout the world have already announced a boycott of Uzbek cotton, demanding that the shameful practice be terminated before regular business can resume. And yet, several European companies continue to use it. Not only this, but the European Commission continues tariff preferences for Uzbek cotton and related products!

We here at neweurasia, as well as the broader alliance of human rights activists and friends of civl society in Uzbekistan, urge the EU to reconsider its own behavior and to use the opportunity afforded by this meeting to confront Karimov about the heinous conditions of life under his regime:

In recent years, Uzbekistan has pledged to implement all of the major UN Conventions on Human Rights. Yet, government-sponsored torture, including rape and physical harm up to and including death, remains commonplace and systematic throughout the country. The practice is treated as a routine means of intimidation and confession-extraction for both real and imaginary offenses. Criminal investigations are impossible due to the executive branch’s power over the legal and medical systems. Forensics agencies are also fully controlled by secret police. In general, the principle of assuming innocence until proven guilty is disregarded, and any attempts on the part of defendants and victims to understand the charges levelled against them are treated as acts of self-incrimination.

Beyond torture, the whole of Uzbekistan’s society as a subsists under constant terror. There is no freedom of speech: over the past five years, 145 human rights defenders and independent journalists have been persecuted, and 38 civil society activists have been imprisoned and mistreated. Censorship of the media is rampant and there is no independent press. The internet, hosting many independent and critical news sources covering Uzbekistan, is considered one of the Karimov regime’s worst enemies, and so accordingly is deeply regulated. Even well-established global media outlets are denied accreditation and the right to cover the inner life of the country.

Just as the foreign press is banned from the inner life of the country, so too does the country find its inner life deeply regulated. In particular, there is no freedom of religion, as the state systematically interferes in the affairs of believers and religious communities. This interference takes the form of censorship and persecution intended to punish any deviation from the officially approved formulation of Islam. No distinction is made between moderate and radical expressions of Muslim religiosity, to say nothing of the treatment of non-Muslim religious minorities.

As for that symbol of the Karimov regime’s gross abuses, Andijan, the EU needs to realize that the tragedy that occurred there did not end with the massacre itself. Hundreds of people, both participants and witnesses, were subsequently arrested, tortured and convicted in closed proceedings. There is also reason to believe that mass extrajudicial executions took place, as well as the misuse of medical facilities as places of interrogation and torture. To this day, the Karimov regime discriminates against families of Andijan refugees who were granted asylum in Western countries, including prohibiting them from re-connecting with their loved ones—a clear violation of the freedom of mobility and assembly, to say nothing of the basic right to a regular family life.

Throughout all of this has been a dictatorial reign lasting 21 years and counting. Every conceivable term limit and extension allocated by Uzbekistan’s constitution have expired. Karimov’s nearly unlimitted personal power and the total lack of accountability of the state security forces upon which his regime lies have led to a huge marriage of power and corruption, to the point that Uzbekistan has essentialy become a mafia state. Indeed, Karimov encourages his family-members to plunder the country’s wealth. For example, one of his daugters spent hundreds of millions of tax dollars to buy luxury mansions in Europe.

Europe, this is the monstrous individual whom you’ve welcomed into Brussels today. In the name of justice, the world beseeches you to confront him!

——– The letter to the EU, with signatories ——–

Dear Sirs,

We urge the EU to take advantage of Karimov’s visit to have a candid conversation with him, to try to convince him of the need to respect human rights. This is especially true in light of the abovementioned problems. Should the dictator not heed these appeals, we suggest you take advantage of the influence and leverage of the EU and its Member States to compel him to address them.

We are not against talks with the Uzbek government. But we believe that for a discussion with the government on water and energy issues, it is not necessary to receive a dictator at the highest level and even more so, to give him an audience with the king.

Negotiations can be conducted at the level of government functionaries. Receiving Karimov оnly legitimizes his brutal regime and encourages it to continue commiting crimes against its people. We believe that the decision to receive Karimov in the capital of Europe is a mistake and significantly harms the international reputation and the credibility of the European Comission.

Signed,

International
Eurasian Transition Group
CIVICUS World Alliance for Citizen Participation
Norwegian Helsinkii Committee
Association Human Rights in Central Asia Centre

Uzbekistan
1. Jodgor Obid, poet, member of International PEN, Austria
2. Мutabar Tajibayeva, head of the Human Rights Club “Flaming Heart”, France
3. Abdujalil Boymatov, Chairman of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Ireland
4. Bashorat Eshova, сoordinator of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan in Switzerland
5. Gulshan Karaeva, chairman of Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Kashkadarya Region, Uzbekistan
6. Ismail Dadajonov, chairman of the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan, Sweden
7. Nadejda Atayeva, president of the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, France
8. Bakhodir Namazov, Committee to release prisoners of conscience in Uzbekistan
9. Tulkin Qoraev, the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Sweden
10. Avaz Fayazov, The international organization Human Rights Defenders, Sweden
11.Yusuf Rasulov, Journalist, Sweden
12. Abdurahimov Abdulatif, Political refugee Sweden
13. Dilmurod Isakov, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Ezgulik, Sweden
14. Abdumalik Bakaev, Political refugee Sweden
15. Avaz Isakov, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Ezgulik, Sweden
16. Yusupov Bayramali, Political refugee, Denmark
17. Rafik Ganiev, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Ezgulik, Sweden
18. Nabijon Norbutaev, Political Party Birlik, Sweden
19. Muhiddin Qurbonov,The international organization Human Rights Defenders, Sweden
20. Asadullo Ahmedov, Political refugee, Norway
21. Dildora Ahmedova, Political refugee, Norway
22. Daniel Anderson, Political refugee, Norway
23. Devid Anderson, Political refugee, Norway
24. Shavkat Hodjaev, Political Party Birlik
25. Rufiya Kiyamova, Political Party Birlik
26. Ota Rahimov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
27. Davlat Kozimov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
28. Saodat Kazimova, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
29. Zahro Kazimova, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
30. Bek Davronov, refugee
31. Ishanov Zubayd, refugee
32. Ibodat Karimova, refugee
33. Anvar Karimov, Political refugee, USA
34. Avaz Karimov, Political refugee, USA
35. Ayub Karimov, Political refugee, USA
36. Inom Bobohonov, Political Party Birlik
37. Ilhom Bobohonov, Political refugee, USA
38. Shamsuddin Isomutdinov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
39. Rustam Qobimov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
40. Farida Qosimova, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
41. Karim Suyunov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
42. Rafik Eshmatov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
43. Bek Alibekov, the Democratic Forum of Uzbekistan
44. Jamshid Bokiev, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Ezgulik, Sweden
45. Muhammadsolih Abutov, “Tayanch”, Sweden
46. Dustnazar Hudoynazarov, Political Party ERK, Sweden
47. Asror Egamberdiev, Political refugee, Sweden
50. Khusniddin Kutbiddinov, journaliste, Uzbekistan
51. Ulugbek Khaydarov, journaliste, Canada

Russia
52. Сергей Ковалев, Председатель правления Фонда Андрея Сахарова, председатель Российского общества “Мемориал” и Президент Института прав человека, один из руководителей правозащитной фракции партии “Яблоко”
53. Валентин Гефтер, генеральный директор Института прав человека, Россия
54. Елена Рябинина, руководитель программы «Право на убежище» Института прав человека, Россия
55. Dmitriy Belomestnov, representative of the ‘Human Rights in Central Asia Association’ in Russia

Kyrgyzstan
56. Tolekan Ismailova, Citisens against corruption, KGZ

Kazakhstan
57. Балли Мажец, Председатель ассоциации Wspolnota Kazachska
58. Розлана Таукина, Президент фонда “Журналисты в беде”
59. Даметкен Аленова, лидер НПО “Женщины Казахстана”
60. Ирина Савостина, председатель республиканского движения пенсионеров Казахстана “Поколение”
61. Бахытжан Торегожина – лидер движения “КАхар” , НПО Ар РУХ ХАК”
62. Игорь Винявский, журналисты газеты “Взгляд”
63. Олеся Щелкова, журналисты газеты “Взгляд”
64. Владимир Радионов, журналисты газеты “Взгляд”
65. Наталья Щербакова, журналисты газеты “Взгляд”
66. Игорь Зенин – журналисты газеты “Взгляд”
67. Каришал Асан-Ата, общественный деятель, писатель
68. Айсулу Кадырбаева, ОФ «Куретамыр», член Союза писателей Казахстана
69. Жасарал Куанышалин, ОО «Жаса, Азаттык!»
70. Бахыт Туменова, ОФ «Аман-саулык»
71. Михаил Сизов, главный редактор газеты «Алга!»
72. Ирина Савостина, Председатель Ассоциации общественных движений социальной и правовой защиты пенсионеров “ПОКОЛЕНИЕ” Республики Казахстан;
73. Розлана Таукина, руководитель ОФ “Журналисты в беде”
74. Бахытжан Торегожина, Общественный фонд “АР. РУХ. ХАК”
75. Даметкен Аленова, Общественное движение ” Женщины Казахстана”
76. Марат Жанузаков, депутат Кокшетауского городского маслихата
77. Игорь Колов, ОО «Общественный комитет по правам человека»
78. Виктор Новиков, ОО «Аксакалы»
79. Тамара Аукенова, ОФ «Куретамыр», врач
80. Серик Сапаргали, ОО «Улт Рухы»
81. Юрий Храмов, гражданин Казахстана
82. Юлия Ананьина, ОО «Ассоциация по защите прав человека и гражданских свобод»
83. Олег Барвин, ОО «Общество защиты прав автомобилистов «ФОРВЕРС»
84. Николай Чумаков, ОО «Русский общественный культурный Союз»
85. Алимжан Жусупов, ОО «Профсоюз ШАХТЕР»
86. Айгуль Дауренбекова, КОФ ОО «Талмас»
87. Сергей Леонов, корреспондент газеты «АЛГА»
88. Алена Млозняк, ОО «Профсоюз предпринимателей сферы услуг»
89. Адильжан Кинжегалеев, ОО «Свободный профсоюз работников города Рудного»
90. Наталья Штейнбек, ОЮЛ «Костанайский областной Центр свободных профсоюзов»
91. Светлана Тиханенко, ОО «Союз защиты прав потребителей Костанайской области»
92. Анвар Хасанов, ОО «Движение в защиту прав пенсионеров г. Рудного»
93. Мария Кудренко, член совета ОГД «Поколение»
94. Перизат Касимова ОО “Центр по защите прав человека”
95. Елена Семенова ОО “Оставим народу жилье – Павлодарский регион”
96. Антонина Докучаева ОО “Шанырак”
97. Кунсулу Макен ОО “Правовое развитие Казахстана”
98. Василий завизенов ОО “Движение социальной и правовой защиты населения Поколение”
99. Еркебулан Алдабергенов, МОО “Молодежная организация “Улан” Павлодарской области
100. Сергей Измайлов, ЧФ «Молодежь Петропавловска за демократическое развитие», ОО «Общественный комитет по правам человека СКО»
101. Валентина Махотина, ЧУ “Диалог плюс”
102. Индира Какимова, ОО “Ариадна”
103. Ирина Суворова, ОО “Ариадна”, корреспондент газеты «Алга»
104. Мария Попова, ОО “Ариадна”
105. Елена Полянцева, ОО “Ариадна”
106. Райгуль Тлеуханова, ОО “Ариадна”
107. Ерлан Калиев, ОО “Ариадна”
108. Алексей Нестратов, ОО “Ариадна”
109. Руфит Ахмедзянов, ОО “Ариадна”, корреспондент газеты «Алга»
110. Дмитрий Шмаков, ОО “Ариадна”
111. Эдуард Датчиков, Общественный фонд Охраны окружающей среды
112. Наталя Томилова, ОО “Шахтерская семья”
113. Тахир Мухамедзъянов, ОО “Шахтерская семья”
114. Данил Носенко, ОО “Союз по защите прав и свобод граждан”
115. Руслан Симбинов, руководитель Астанинского оргкомитета по созданию НП “Алга!”
116. Мухит Нурмахан, руководитель Кызылординского оргкомитета по созданию НП «Алга!»
117. Сагат Жусип, советник партии «Алга!»
118. Сармагамбетова Анаркуль, руководитель НПО “Детар”
119. Мамбеталиев Адихан, Руководитель областного филиала КПК
120. Ибрашулы Сарбулақ, редактор газеты “Самала”
121. Газиз Тортбаев, ОО “Ана тілі”
124. Гулжан Тулемисова, Руководитель Актюбинского оргкомитета по созданию НП «Алга!»
125. Разия Акатаева, ОО “Ариадна”
126. Валентин Кадола, ОО “Поколение”
127. Даметкен Жарылкасынова – ОО “Жамбылский Комитет по защите прав человека”
128. Светлана Кошелекова – ОО “Таразский пресс-клуб”
129. Тамара Сабитова ОО “Мирэкл”
130. Рауф Сабитов ОО “Горный клуб “Жабыглы-Манас”
131. Варвара Найденова ОО “Женский клуб “Вероника”
132. Адемэ Ильясова ОО “Отандастар”
133. Баниамин Файзулин, Талдыкорганский городской родительский комитет
134. Рустам Ахмаров, журналист “Алга”
135. Наталья Нурланова, журналист “Алга”
136. Ирина Титовская, журналист “Алга”
137. Светлана Маусумбаева, 1 секретарь горкома (Усть-Каменогорск) КПК
138. Владимир Буравцев, ОО “Поколение”
139. Жумабек Ибраев, ОО “Ариадна”
140. Светлана Григорьева, ОО “Ариадна”
141. Аскар Шайгумаров, Союз воспитанников детских домов ЗКО
142. Анаргул Абенова, Западно-Казахстанский областной оргкомитет по созданию НП «Алга!»
143. Беляев Виктор, журналист «Алға»
144. Досжанов Женис, Руководитель оргкомитета НП “Алга!” по ЮКО
145. Пернеев Ерназар, Первый секретарь филиала по ЮКО ОО Компартия Казахстана
146. Махан Кулмуханбет, ОО «Арал-Эко»
147. Майханов Галымжан, Союз ветеранов локальных воин и ветеранов Афганистана
148. Кисилева Татьяна, ОО «Бюро по правам человека»
149. Сейтинбет Жаркынбек, ОО «Институты развития Демократии»
150. Султонова Зулайхо, ОО «Оралман»
151. Давесов Марат, ОО «Лига избирателей»
152. Шакирова Кулайша, ОО «Лига женщин мусульман»
153. Ли Ольга, ОО «Центр защиты женщин и детей ЮКО»
154. Бекенова Қуралай, ОО «Ассоциация деловых женщин Казахстана» филиал ЮКО
155. Абышева Хадича, ОО «Сана-Сезим» правовой центр женских инициатив»
156. Макен Гайсина, ОО «Движение «Поколение»
157. Арбуду Наталья, гражданин Казахстана
158. Мусина Шолпан, гражданин Казахстана
159. Тегисбаева Асель, гражданин Казахстана
160. Спицына Татьяна, гражданин Казахстана
161. Сарсенбаева Айгуль, гражданин Казахстана
162. Кыдыкова Толкын, гражданин Казахстана
163. Бектурганов Данил, гражданин Казахстана
164. Огай Стелла, гражданин Казахстана
165. Фоминых Татьяна, гражданин Казахстана
166. Аденов Кенже, гражданин Казахстана
167. Амирова Айжангуль, гражданин Казахстана
168. Есенбаев Нурхат, гражданин Казахстана

Azerbaijan
169. Leyla Yunus, Institute of Peace and Democracy
170. Hikmet Hajizade, FAR Center
171. Matanat Azizova, Women’s Crisis Centre
172. Ismail Veliyev, “Ganjabasar” newspaper
173. Elchin Mammad, Social Union of Legal Education of Sumgait Youth
174. Hafiz Safihanov, Azerbaijan’s Campain to Band Landmines
175. Zahir Amanov, “Janub Heberleri” newspaper
176. Alovsat Aliyev, Azerbaijan Migration Centre
177. Ilgar Gasimov, ”Legal Aid” (Lenkoran city)
178. Mehman Aliyev, “Turan” News Agency
179. Anar Mammedli, Election Monitoring and Democratic Studies Centre
180. Mirvari Gahramanli, Protection of Oil Workers’ Rights
181. Elchin Behbudov, Azerbaijan Committee Against Torture
182. Hikmet Hajizade, FAR Center
183. Intigam Aliyev, Legal Education Society
184. Leyla Aliyeva, Center for National and International Studies
185. Hilal Mammedov, “Tolishi Sado” newspaper
186. Emin Huseynov, Institute for Reporters’ Freedom and Society
187. Annagi Hacibeyli, Azerbaijan Lawyers Association
188. Alekber Mammedov, Center for Democratic and Civil Control of the Military
189. Shakir Agaev, Newspaper “Novoye Vremya”
190. Eldar Zeynalov, Director Human Rights Center of Azerbaijan

Turkmenistan
191. Вячеслав Мамедов, председатель, Демократический Гражданский Союз Туркменистана

Poland
192. Людмила Козловская, вице-директор Фонда «Открытый Диалог», Польша
193. Марек Павловский, член партии Гражданская Платформа, Польша
194. Анджей Щливинский, НПО «Молодые демократы», Польша
195. Иван Шерстюк, кандидат от партии «Пора», основатель Фонда «Открытый Диалог», Украина-Польша
196. Ярослав Прысташ, главный редактор издательства «Наше Слово», Польша

Georgia
197. Леван Жорбенадзе, основатель Фонда «Диалог для Развития 2008», Грузия